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Full text of "Poland Russia and Great Britain 1941-1945"

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Red Army had entered Bulgaria^ meanwMIe that protege of Churchill's
and the Soviet's., Marshal Tito5 having exploited Britain to the extent of
using her to undermine the throne of King Peter and the authority of his
legal government^ and to obtain the supplies which enabled him to over-
throw Mikhaylovichj was now turning his back on his British protector.
It was only to be anticipated that^ in a short time., the Russians would
stand firmly on the blue shores of the Adriatic and occupy a stand which
would out-flank all that remained of Europe. The British position in the
Mediterranean was steadily deteriorating, and Churchill under the pressing
need to hamper this rapid march of Russian imperialism., had person-
ally gone to the U.S.S.R. to, in the ambiguous language of diplomacy,
" smooth over those controversies which, despite all his efforts, were
arising between Britain and the Soviet Union."
To appease the Kremlin master and turn his eyes away from the Balkans,
the sacrifice on the altar of theŁ Unity of the Allies * was again to be Poland.
Having once established the c Lublin Committee/ Stalin was content to
sit back and watch the British set about the task of extracting an uncon-
ditional surrender from the Polish Government. Churchill, of his own
free-will, went to Moscow and with Stalin's agreement invited Mikolajczyk
to join him in the Russian capital. Churchill was under the impression
that the Polish Premier, having been subjected to continuous British
pressure, would be in a ripe condition to readily follow his advice. He
was right, but only up to a point, Mikolajczyk was indeed ready to go a
long way, but there were limits beyond which, as the subsequent events
were to show, he dare not trespass. The representatives of this ' Lublin
Committee' were brought to Moscow at the "invitation" of the Kremlin, in
order to witness Mikolajczyk's surrender. On October 13, the Polish
Prime Minister was presented with the same demands as previously, i.e.,
the renouncement of the ' Fascist' Constitution of 1935, the creation of a
united government, including the members of the * Lublin Committee *
and the recognition of the c Ribbentrop-Molotov Line' as a definite
frontier. The last demand was now put forward as the chief point at
issue and only after having received that declaration would the Soviet
Government be prepared to discuss the problem of Polish-Russian co-
operation. Molotov declared in the presence of Churchill and Harrirnan,
the Ambassador of the United States, that the Eastern Polish frontier
along the e Ribbentrop-Molotov Line * had been agreed upon with those
Powers in Teheran.* Asked if they could deny this statement, Churchill
* New   York Times3 Decemoer 18th, 1944 :
After Mikolajczyk had arrived in Moscow he could have asserted that Am-
bassador Karriman had acted as a spectator in a court scene., where Stalin was
acdng as the judge and jury and Churchill as the Public Prosecutor. It was mooted
in diplomatic circles that Churchill had spoken in the name of Stalin and that
it was he who had conducted all the talks in Moscow regarding the frontier question.
When Mikolajczyk was appealing yet again for the Polish towns of Lwow and
Wilno> Molotov — it was said — interrupted him: "Useless talk — all that
has been settled in Teheran."